The Battle of Agincourt 1415: A History of the Iconic Clash
Henry V’s victory at Agincourt in 1415 is one of the most famous battles in the monarch’s kingdom of England, but perhaps one of the most mythologized and simplified. His victory secured him on the throne and made further war on the continent possible.
It isn’t known when English king Henry V first decided to resurrect his throne’s claim on the French throne, reigniting a conflict begun by Edward III which become known as the Hundred Years’ War.
It may have been when arguments between French factions – Burgundy and Orleans – involved Henry IV and caused him to send troops to the continent, when Henry V was a princeling desperate for glory, but who felt snubbed by his father.
This was enhanced by Henry’s desire to use war to quell opposition to his usurping family and establish himself once he inherited the throne: until Agincourt, Henry was not secure; he had to execute plotters before he sailed in 1415. First he put his house in order within England and Wales, and then he began a major fundraising campaign while negotiating with France, topics including renouncing the claim for vast sums, or marrying into the French royal family for the same. He may well have never been serious in these pursuits, just doing it for show, and in 1415 was able to put together an army and attack a France which had seen civil war.
More on the Hundred Years War
Henry V in Brief and Reading List
Henry V and his army sailed August 11th, anchored on the 13th and disembarked August 14th 1415, the first King of England to land since the peace of 1360.
12,000 troops had disembarked, (Curry, Agincourt, A New History. p.76) with eighty per cent archers (Curry, p.65), a ratio which had grown over the war. Archers were cheaper and easier to produce. Landing near Harfleur, this was the largest English invasion of the continent since the Black Death. Henry’s plan was to capture the town and use it as a base for an advance into France, perhaps harassing the capital at Paris, but we don’t know which direction he wanted to take. The town proved difficult to seize and Henry had too large an army to sit around a place of that size, so the siege was fought through dysentery, and eventually fell to Henry on September 22nd.
A realistic assessment of the remaining season had to be made: it was closing fast and a major assault through enemy territory was off the cards. Henry still had options, but chose the risky plan of marching north east to Calais, a vital port where he could winter. Leaving for England from Harfleur required the expensive act of reassembling the transport ships, and facing a nation who wouldn’t think he’d achieved enough. With a garrison of 1200 left in Harfleur and orders to turn it into the starting point for further invasions, Henry marched out on October 8th, having to leave artillery and plenty of supplies behind to speed their movement. The English force numbered 9000 men (Curry, p.131) They aimed to reach Calais in eight days…
The French had not been idle while Henry had besieged Harfleur, but they hadn’t been very successful either, and their counter army wasn’t ready to raise the siege since Henry’s army was so large and France could only react to his actions, while fighting through their own financial problems. It was, however, ready to harass Henry’s march, and they were able to force Henry to move around to find a useable route and a suitable crossing point; there was no attempt to capture further bases. He managed to cross the Somme, after tearing whole village down to bridge it. This was achieved on October 19th, and Henry turned once more for Calais, but the French were growing in strength and nearby, eventually getting between Henry and Calais. He could either surrender, which might cripple his political support (and make raising the vital funds impossible), or he could pitch his sick army and fight. He chose the latter. On the 24th he organised his force for battle, and the French did the same, but the day grew short and when it was clear neither side would fight they left formation to camp.
Henry’s forces lined up between woods, with Agincourt on one side and Tramecourt on the other. He had 9000 men, three quarters of which were archers (Curry p.187) Henry was in command of the centre, the Duke of York the right, Lord Campus the left. The considerable number of archers were grouped together in masses on the flanks with pockets in the middle, behind stakes. Trees protected the flanks. The French had 12,000 men, two thirds men at arms (Curry p.187), but we don’t know if they were in two or three ‘battles’ (groups); there was cavalry to attack and clear the enemy archers. They were keen to attack and win a famous victory.
The ‘English’ victory at Agincourt hinged on weather and social structure, and on the night of October 24/25 it had rained heavily in the area. The field between the French and Henry had recently been plowed and was now incredibly muddy, making any advance difficult, and in heavy armour treacherous. As the commanders looked at the field, it was clear that the English position, with woods on each side, might force the French to advance down the narrow field, limiting their possible advantage in numbers. The French knew this too and, despite being confidant, didn’t advance. They remained still, waiting. In was then Henry V who made the first move, taking his army and advancing forward, until his archers were in range of the French. The latter could have tried to disrupt this move, but chose not to.
Henry’s ‘English’ were able to create new defensive lines for their archers, who had been landing arrows on the French during their advance. While the distance and French armour limited casualties, it did provoke the French cavalry into charging, while the first of the French lines advanced behind them. The cavalry were slowed by the mud and tens of thousands of impacting arrows, failed to break the enemy, and managed to retreat through their own advancing troops, causing chaos. This first line did manage to get to the enemy, but were tired, mauled by arrows, and faced fresh opponents. The social structures of the age meant that these men at arms ignored the unarmoured archers and funnelled together to attack their social peers. While this first wave pushed Henry’s forces back, they held, pushed in turn, and the funnelling of the French caused a crush. Men who lost their footing were killed on the ground, chaos broke out, and the French advantage in numbers vanished. The archers had no qualms about attacking, and used hand weapons to harass the French flanks.
If there were three battles the second advanced, otherwise more and more of the enlarged front battle continued ploughing in, filled with people who had rushed forward to take part in what they expected to be an easy victory. They were being crushed at the front, funnelled into a killing zone in the centre. Henry, however, was not having an easy time, as not only was the fighting brutal, but he took an active role in the combat. It is believed a group of Frenchmen swore to kill Henry and advanced, and that in the combat Henry lost a portion of his helmet to blows. A small French force had managed to get to Henry’s baggage train and raided it. Nonetheless, the French attack was beaten, and the remaining French fled rather than advance. There now occurred one of the scars on Henry’s overegged reputation: Henry believed the rest of the French army were regrouping to attack rather than fleeing, and that his force were in danger from the French prisoners who’d been taken. Henry ordered them all killed, an act defenders have attempted to gloss away as a pragmatic act in a brutal situation.
The French, feeling themselves beaten, retreated. Henry V had won. While the numbers of troops taking part are disputed, the proportions of the casualties are better agreed on: the French lost a high percentage, including many leaders, while Henry’s force had lost little. Henry could not pursue or turn Agincourt into a greater victory, but the success did allow him safe passage to Calais. Here his propaganda machine worked to turn Henry into an acclaimed English hero with a victory for both the ages, and for ease of fundraising so Henry could return to France and wage a better campaign. He did so, and the French shrank from major engagements. By 1420 Henry had exploited French faction, military success, his own strange self-belief and English funds to have the Treaty of Troyes make him regent and heir to France’s crown. He was to die soon after, England would lose the war, and suffer the Wars of the Roses.
Timeline of Henry V
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Henry V Enters the Hundred Years War
It isn’t known when English king Henry V first decided to resurrect his throne’s claim on the French throne, reigniting a conflict begun by Edward III which become known as the Hundred Years’ War.
It may have been when arguments between French factions – Burgundy and Orleans – involved Henry IV and caused him to send troops to the continent, when Henry V was a princeling desperate for glory, but who felt snubbed by his father.
This was enhanced by Henry’s desire to use war to quell opposition to his usurping family and establish himself once he inherited the throne: until Agincourt, Henry was not secure; he had to execute plotters before he sailed in 1415. First he put his house in order within England and Wales, and then he began a major fundraising campaign while negotiating with France, topics including renouncing the claim for vast sums, or marrying into the French royal family for the same. He may well have never been serious in these pursuits, just doing it for show, and in 1415 was able to put together an army and attack a France which had seen civil war.
More on the Hundred Years War
Henry V in Brief and Reading List
Henry’s Campaign goes Wrong
Henry V and his army sailed August 11th, anchored on the 13th and disembarked August 14th 1415, the first King of England to land since the peace of 1360.
12,000 troops had disembarked, (Curry, Agincourt, A New History. p.76) with eighty per cent archers (Curry, p.65), a ratio which had grown over the war. Archers were cheaper and easier to produce. Landing near Harfleur, this was the largest English invasion of the continent since the Black Death. Henry’s plan was to capture the town and use it as a base for an advance into France, perhaps harassing the capital at Paris, but we don’t know which direction he wanted to take. The town proved difficult to seize and Henry had too large an army to sit around a place of that size, so the siege was fought through dysentery, and eventually fell to Henry on September 22nd.
A realistic assessment of the remaining season had to be made: it was closing fast and a major assault through enemy territory was off the cards. Henry still had options, but chose the risky plan of marching north east to Calais, a vital port where he could winter. Leaving for England from Harfleur required the expensive act of reassembling the transport ships, and facing a nation who wouldn’t think he’d achieved enough. With a garrison of 1200 left in Harfleur and orders to turn it into the starting point for further invasions, Henry marched out on October 8th, having to leave artillery and plenty of supplies behind to speed their movement. The English force numbered 9000 men (Curry, p.131) They aimed to reach Calais in eight days…
The French had not been idle while Henry had besieged Harfleur, but they hadn’t been very successful either, and their counter army wasn’t ready to raise the siege since Henry’s army was so large and France could only react to his actions, while fighting through their own financial problems. It was, however, ready to harass Henry’s march, and they were able to force Henry to move around to find a useable route and a suitable crossing point; there was no attempt to capture further bases. He managed to cross the Somme, after tearing whole village down to bridge it. This was achieved on October 19th, and Henry turned once more for Calais, but the French were growing in strength and nearby, eventually getting between Henry and Calais. He could either surrender, which might cripple his political support (and make raising the vital funds impossible), or he could pitch his sick army and fight. He chose the latter. On the 24th he organised his force for battle, and the French did the same, but the day grew short and when it was clear neither side would fight they left formation to camp.
The Battle of Agincourt: Positioning
Henry’s forces lined up between woods, with Agincourt on one side and Tramecourt on the other. He had 9000 men, three quarters of which were archers (Curry p.187) Henry was in command of the centre, the Duke of York the right, Lord Campus the left. The considerable number of archers were grouped together in masses on the flanks with pockets in the middle, behind stakes. Trees protected the flanks. The French had 12,000 men, two thirds men at arms (Curry p.187), but we don’t know if they were in two or three ‘battles’ (groups); there was cavalry to attack and clear the enemy archers. They were keen to attack and win a famous victory.
The ‘English’ victory at Agincourt hinged on weather and social structure, and on the night of October 24/25 it had rained heavily in the area. The field between the French and Henry had recently been plowed and was now incredibly muddy, making any advance difficult, and in heavy armour treacherous. As the commanders looked at the field, it was clear that the English position, with woods on each side, might force the French to advance down the narrow field, limiting their possible advantage in numbers. The French knew this too and, despite being confidant, didn’t advance. They remained still, waiting. In was then Henry V who made the first move, taking his army and advancing forward, until his archers were in range of the French. The latter could have tried to disrupt this move, but chose not to.
The Battle of Agincourt: Fighting
Henry’s ‘English’ were able to create new defensive lines for their archers, who had been landing arrows on the French during their advance. While the distance and French armour limited casualties, it did provoke the French cavalry into charging, while the first of the French lines advanced behind them. The cavalry were slowed by the mud and tens of thousands of impacting arrows, failed to break the enemy, and managed to retreat through their own advancing troops, causing chaos. This first line did manage to get to the enemy, but were tired, mauled by arrows, and faced fresh opponents. The social structures of the age meant that these men at arms ignored the unarmoured archers and funnelled together to attack their social peers. While this first wave pushed Henry’s forces back, they held, pushed in turn, and the funnelling of the French caused a crush. Men who lost their footing were killed on the ground, chaos broke out, and the French advantage in numbers vanished. The archers had no qualms about attacking, and used hand weapons to harass the French flanks.
If there were three battles the second advanced, otherwise more and more of the enlarged front battle continued ploughing in, filled with people who had rushed forward to take part in what they expected to be an easy victory. They were being crushed at the front, funnelled into a killing zone in the centre. Henry, however, was not having an easy time, as not only was the fighting brutal, but he took an active role in the combat. It is believed a group of Frenchmen swore to kill Henry and advanced, and that in the combat Henry lost a portion of his helmet to blows. A small French force had managed to get to Henry’s baggage train and raided it. Nonetheless, the French attack was beaten, and the remaining French fled rather than advance. There now occurred one of the scars on Henry’s overegged reputation: Henry believed the rest of the French army were regrouping to attack rather than fleeing, and that his force were in danger from the French prisoners who’d been taken. Henry ordered them all killed, an act defenders have attempted to gloss away as a pragmatic act in a brutal situation.
The French, feeling themselves beaten, retreated. Henry V had won. While the numbers of troops taking part are disputed, the proportions of the casualties are better agreed on: the French lost a high percentage, including many leaders, while Henry’s force had lost little. Henry could not pursue or turn Agincourt into a greater victory, but the success did allow him safe passage to Calais. Here his propaganda machine worked to turn Henry into an acclaimed English hero with a victory for both the ages, and for ease of fundraising so Henry could return to France and wage a better campaign. He did so, and the French shrank from major engagements. By 1420 Henry had exploited French faction, military success, his own strange self-belief and English funds to have the Treaty of Troyes make him regent and heir to France’s crown. He was to die soon after, England would lose the war, and suffer the Wars of the Roses.
Timeline of Henry V
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